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The sky clouds yetLost_love1-300x234

Cries not

Blue yet

Stains not the clouds

The winds blows

Yet the leaves on the

Nunum dua refuse

To sway or be affected

Raining yet the

Ground remains dry

And sandy

Grey conditions

Parched

Gasping for a

Touch of grace

Love

Of emotion

I look into those

Eyes of my love

And I see dryness

Where they once was

Mirth

Affection

Bounce

And live

Where did the touch

Go?

The care

What killed

It?

Why have we

Become as

Room-mates?

Where we were

Bed mates

Lovers turned

Into

Likers

Where did the old

You go?

Please come back

I miss that You.

© Nana A Damoah, 190513

musings

The good thing about being a politician in Africa is that you can always blame someone for your woes and non-performance: your predecessor, the past government, your detractors, the opposition, witches, the weather, imperialists, enemy forces, the ineffective civil service, the West, EU, neo-colonialists…the list and probable ‘enemies of your progress’ are endless. As long as you can blame, you will be fine. And, oh, you can also blame the electorate for voting you into office and giving you such an onerous task.

 

In the end, the blame goes back to the electorate, the common citizen, who is called upon to do more to make the politician more effective. To pay him more, to make worthwhile his sacrifice of leaving his lucrative and better paying job to serve the citizen.

 

As long as there is someone to blame, there is no problem.

 

With this backdrop, the art of promise making is fundamentally akin to shooting at the stars with arrows. If the target is not hit, blame the wind. Or the arrow, which maybe was under-weight. Or perhaps the bow that was used was tampered with by the opposing side.

 

Deadlines are put on wheels and made as mobile as possible. Promises are repeatable, new every month or at most every election.

 

Sadly, the politicians are not alone in this. The majority of us sing their tunes and hail them in this circus of dancing around the burning bush. Did the elders not say that he who gets a bad haircut should be blamed as well for not speaking during the barbering process? Oh, sorry, the citizen just got the blame again. But this is deserved.

 

Unless we wake up and demand more accountability, unless we challenge the words we are fed and question when told a harbour will be built in Obo Kwahu, until we come to the point where we vigorously upgrade our expectations of the performance of our political leaders, we will continue to be fed crumbs. And we will eventually be blamed for not asking for it to be at least mixed with peanuts.

Law and legal issues always has been an interesting subject due to the excessive use of Latin and other foreign words. It’s always fascinating when those words are thrown about extensively, making the general public nod their heads in agreement and won’t understand the whole drift after the proceedings are over.

The Facebook Bar Association, an advocacy group of pocket and arm-chair “lawyers, met this week to throw more light on some legal terms and make clear the current election petition at the Supreme Court between the two giant political parties. This advocacy is supposed to give you first hand information of what some legal words mean, when they are used:

1. Administrative fiat: the fiat cars which are used by the Lordships for the running of their day to day administrative work. It used to be an Opel and was changed due to the highly volatile nature of Opel
2. Habeascorpus: Normally refers to corpse from Habea, a village near Amasaman. It’s a widely used term in morgues where mortuary men can be heard yelling “who took the Habeas corpus from fridge 1?”
3. Pro Bono: A bono or Brong Ahafo man who is a professor
4. corpusjuris gentium: A gentleman’s corpse
5. Caveat: formula in toothpaste that strengthens cavity
6. Certiorari: “Certificate aa eni ahutor” or missing certificate
7. Bonafide: The larger version of Bona biscuit
8. Affidavit: also known as Afi Davies
9. adjournmentsine die: Ajoss Fashion won’t die (Ajoos is the cast in Akan Drama)
10. Ad hoc: AMA’s ad against hawkers (No Hawking here)
11. A mensaet thoro: Kofi Mensah and his pal Toro
12. Animus revertendi: a reverend father who likes to rear animals
13. Et cetera: the last track on Pete Cetera’s current album
14. Ex gratia: an ungrateful ex
15. Ex postfacto: see Koku Anyidoho’s post
16. Factum:a woman with enough body
17. I putit to you: don’t make me come there and slap you
18. Gravamen:a new hiplife duo
19. in locoparentis: parents working on a locomotive
20. In toto : self explanatory (in Ga)
21. ipsissimaverba: an obaasima who likes to go to Verbs Pub at Madina Estate
22. iudexnon calculat: a non performing Makola calculator
23. jusnaturale: a rastaman in his natural elements (Just Natural)
24. Linguafranca: mixing the Ghana frankaa and China frankaa together. (Frankaa meansFlag in Twi)
25. nemojudex in sua causa: inflammation of the testicles caused by tight jeans
26. percapita: RLG’s new project, one laptop per carpenter
27. Personanon grata: an ungrateful person
28. Prima facie: the natural face before a womanapplies makeup
29. Pro rata: a professional way of rationing water
30. Sinedie: Sine died because Cosine killed it. It’s a mathematical philosophy
31. Suo moto:a broken down okada motor
32. Uno flatu:I didn’t “flatulate”
33. ViceVersa: the names of some Ewe twins

Qouphy
~2013~

20130423-190215.jpg

I was featured in the My Turn column of Ghana’s leading weekly, The Mirror.

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The full, original script can be found here: http://nanadamoah.com/goodtablemanners/

Kwame Emerepabeba was a political activist in the Brahabebome constituency. He was always on the case of the serving Member of Parliament (MP), questioning most of his actions and highlighting what he should really be doing for the constituents. He was the voice of the voiceless. The people impressed on him to stand against the MP. He told them he wasn’t interested in parliament, only in their welfare, to ensure they got their due. The delegation of the chiefs and opinion leaders finally made him relent and reluctantly accept their nomination. He won in a landslide and entered parliament.

Months passed and Kwame wasn’t seen in the constituency. When he finally visited, he spent a couple of days, explaining that he had to rush back to attend to some urgent issues of national importance.

The opinion leaders sent a delegation to Accra and managed to corner him for a quick meeting. They minced no words in expressing their surprise that he wasn’t making time to engage with them and hadn’t also heard him advocating their cause. His response was succinct too: good table manners, he explained; when you are chopping, you don’t talk.

Our politicians fight to serve us, but seem rather to be asking us to pay them back for that privilege. The best example is the issue of ex-gratia. But first, even in deciding their salaries, there is a deviation from norm, in my humble view.

In most public sector departments and even in private companies where workers are unionised, three parties decide on salary increments: the employer, the employee and the union/facilitator. I was privileged to serve on such a committee on behalf of the employer. Negotiations are tough and go back and forth. Factors such as inflation, performance of the company, health of the company’s finances, productivity and industry benchmarks are considered. The asking rate is high, and the starting offer is low, and the two parties ‘dance’ (as it said) around the issues gingerly, helped along by the facilitator, until a middle ground is reached, which is usually a compromise position. Such is the practice as I know it.

Except when parliament and the executive are fixing their salaries and allowances in Ghana. The executive approves on behalf of the legislature and the legislature does the same for the executive. No third party is involved. And, oh, they can chose to backdate and pay promptly.

What irks me most about the emoluments of MPs is the 4-year cycle of paying themselves end of service benefits (ESB). Take note that ESBs have been abolished for a greater percentage of public servants. According to information from the public affairs directorate of Ghana’s parliament, some of the MPs received amount ranging from GHC211,000 to 275,000 each.

Apart from the fact that most workers in Ghana do not enjoy ESBs and our MPs gleefully do, when there are supposed to be serving us and not lording over us, I have two fundamental questions on my mind: how is are the ESBs calculated and why should we pay even continuing MPs every four years?

The retrenchment packages used in most private companies I know are worked on the basis of a number of months’ salary per year for each year worked. In one of the companies I worked for, it is 2 months of every year worked. Some do 3 or 4 months. At GHC200,000 per MP as ESB, that translates into GHC50,000 per year. So how were the ESB calculated? Was it done on basis of amount per month, meaning GHC 4,167 per each month works or if we go with the current salary of GHC 7,200, they were paid 7 months’ salary for each year worked?

Who are the Article 71 office holders?

Article 71 of the constitution of Ghana lists the following officers of the state whose salaries, allowances, facilities and privileges are to be determined by the President on the recommendations of a committee of not more than five persons appointed by the President, acting in accordance with the advice of the Council of State:

(a) the Speaker and Deputy Speakers and members of Parliament;

(b) the Chief Justice and the other Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature;

(c) the Auditor-General, the Chairman and Deputy Chairmen of the Electoral Commission, the commissioner for Human Rights and Administrative Justice and his Deputies and the District Assemblies Common Fund Administrator;

(d) the Chairman, Vice-Chairman and the other members of

(i) a National Council for Higher Education howsoever described;

(ii) the Public Services Commission;

(iii) the National Media Commission;

(iv) the Lands Commission; and

(v) the National Commission for civic Education;

The same Article also states that “the salaries and allowances payable, and the facilities available, to the President, the Vice-President, the chairman and the other members of the Council of State; Ministers of State and Deputy Ministers, being expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund, shall be determined by Parliament on the recommendations of the committee referred to in clause (1) of this article.”

Section 3 concludes: ‘For the purposes of this article, and except as otherwise provided in this Constitution, “salaries” includes allowances, facilities and privileges and retiring benefits or awards.’

What is the definition of ‘service’ especially the period? If an MP serves for 12 years, shouldn’t the entire period constitute one service for which we pay him/her end of service benefits at the end of that period? Why should we have 3 service periods? Does this conundrum ala MPs apply similarly to other Article 71 office holders like the Justices and Chairpersons of the various commissions? I doubt it, very much. For instance, is a two-term President paid twice, after the first four years and again at the end of his tenure?

Former MP PC Appiah-Ofori was quoted as saying “MPs pay the school fees, hospital bills, funeral bills among others for their constituents but if you refuse to foot these bills, they will vote massively against you.”

According to a report on Joyonline, Rashid Pelpuo, MP for Wa Central, disclosed on Metro TV’s Good Morning Ghana that most MPs are in “serious debt and find themselves under intense pressure to satisfy numerous demands on them from their constituents.” Hear him: “MPs pay their drivers, maids, rent, buy their own fuel and manage their constituencies. Ask them how many did not have to borrow money to manage their constituencies. Before the end of the month they are broke.”

So are we paying MPs to be philanthropists and to help them pay their debts, which include loans they took to fight to serve us? Or, are they serving us?

Who says what the cap of these increases and burden on the public purse will be?

Meanwhile, a few people are at the table. Dinner is served – no talking please.

Chop time.

20130407-032404.jpg

In most public sector departments and even in private companies where workers are unionised, three parties decide on salary increments: the employer, the employee and the union/facilitator. I was privileged to serve on such a committtee on behalf of the employer. Negotiations are tough and go back and forth. Factors such as inflation, performance of the company, health of the company’s finances, productivity and industry benchmarks are considered. The asking rate is high, and the starting offer is low, and the two parties ‘dance’ (as it said) around the issues gingerly, helped along by the facilitator, until a middle ground is reached, which is usually a compromise position. Such is the practice as I know it.
 
Except when parliament and the executive are fixing their salaries and allowances in Ghana. The executive approves on behalf of the legislature and the legislature does the same for the executive. No third party is involved. And, oh, they can chose to backdate and pay promptly.
 
Who says what the cap will be?
During my 10 years stay learning to straddle the Unicorn, I observed a significant change in how the organisation was structured and how the layers were flattened and support services streamlined to ensure that overheads were reduced. I observed how even directors moved from having PAs to sharing and then to having PAs who served the entire or even two departments. None of the senior managers had secretaries, they had to type their own letters and memos. I experienced the shift from directors having drivers to having to drive themselves or employing drivers on their own salaries. I saw a gradual but steady tightening of the purse and cutting off of fat to ensure that the Unicorn didn’t crumble and the bottom line was delivered.

I see the opposite happening in Ghana Incorporated, where irrespective of the health of the financial chest, the structure remains the same or even more layers added. My view is that this remains one of the key reasons why private organisations such as the Unicorn survived whilst contemporary state organisations faded into oblivion. ~ Excerpt from book still in draft, Straddling the Unicorn, by yours truly.

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